Humble Socialists will never make Europe democratic
This post is also available in: German
By Asa Gunven
Socialist leader Martin Schulz is not interested in power. Not for Europe’s socialists nor for its voters. This very humble position might help against the picture of politicians as power maniacs, but it will hardly contribute to a more democratic EU.
Martin Schulz is against the notion of a Socialist president of the Commission even in the case that the socialists would get a majority in the European Parliament Financial Times Deutschland reports. Europe’s governments are mainly conservative and hence, Martin Schulz concludes, the Commission president should be conservative no matter how Europe´s voters cast their votes in June. It is clear that for Martin Schulz the Commission represents Europe´s governments rather then its people. But does he really think it is just a coincidence that the Commission president is appointed straight after the election of the European Parliament? Or that it has been a struck of luck that the Commission President always been picked to represent the majority of the European Parliament? It is hardly an accident that the European Parliament is the institution that has the final approval power on the Commission President.
With the Lisbon treaty the Commission President has to be picked to reflect the composition of the Parliament. But there is nothing stopping this from happening already before Lisbon is ratified - it is already now up to the European Parliament and its majority who they appoint. Martin Schulz is suggesting to give up the power of the Socialist and the voters to appoint their Commission President without any need for, or anything given in return, for this humbleness. But maybe there is something in return – not for the Socialist Group that Martin Schulz is the leader of, but for Martin Schulz himself. As likely commissioner in the next Commission Martin Schulz seems to trade in this full-fledged support for conservative Barroso for a comfortable seat in the Commission where he could enjoy a bigger support by this conservative majority of governments he refers to.
The outspoken refusal to take on the Commission president from the Socialists seems to take the problem of democracy in Europe to another level. Not only are the parties unable or unwilling to nominate candidates for the highest executive post in Europe – they don’t even want it if they would be offered it. Whereas me as voter expect to influence the composition of the Commission with my vote, Martin Schulz want to remove even my potential to democratic influence. This highlights the importance of real institutional reforms that reduces the chance of individuals in the party leadership to determine my opportunities for democratic influence. I say ‘individuals in the party leaderships’ as it has been very clear in the federalist campaign for multiple Commission president candidates that the party people outside the leadership are not even aware of the debate, nor the possibility, to nominate their own candidate.
The Commission should represent the voters of Europe – a first step is to make the president elected trough the European Parliament elections. A second step is to make the all commissioners accountable to the European Parliament and European voters rather then each one to his/her national government (that by the way often change color throughout the time of the Commissioners mandate).
Good for Barroso that he can run a highly visible election campaign, fully paid by EU and its taxpayers, centered around his own webpage www.tellbarroso.eu with a snazzy picture of himself. Probably he could ease down slightly in his eccentric campaigning though, as he seem to stand completely unchallenged by the other European Parties. What I ask my self is who I should vote for if I don’t want Barroso? Schulz answers seems to be that I shouldn’t worry at all – Barroso will stay safely no matter what we vote.
This article is also published on The New Federalist
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Comments
Whilst it is true that my political group has not yet presented a candidate for the European Commission Presidency, your spin on the FTD article is simply wrong. I strongly support, rather than oppose, "the notion of a Socialist president of the Commission" and I have never said otherwise.
That said, I have to take the world as it is. This includes acknowledging the fact that the Treaty of Lisbon will not be in force when the new Parliament is constituted. The new Commission President will be appointed under the Nice Treaty by the heads of state, not by the Parliament. Given that 19 out of 27 governments are led by centre-right politicians, it is only realistic to assume that they will propose and elect a conservative candidate, not a socialist. Nevertheless, we will use our power as the strongest political group in the next European Parliament to put pressure on the Commission to strengthen social Europe. The next EC President will win our approval only if he or she agrees to meet our conditions as laid out in our position paper "For a Europe of social progress".
Whilst it is true that my political group has not yet presented a candidate for the European Commission Presidency, your spin on the FTD article is simply wrong. I strongly support, rather than oppose, "the notion of a Socialist president of the Commission" and I have never said otherwise.
That said, I have to take the world as it is. This includes acknowledging the fact that the Treaty of Lisbon will not be in force when the new Parliament is constituted. The new Commission President will be appointed under the Nice Treaty by the heads of state, not by the Parliament. Given that 19 out of 27 governments are led by centre-right politicians, it is only realistic to assume that they will propose and elect a conservative candidate, not a socialist. Nevertheless, we will use our power as the strongest political group in the next European Parliament to put pressure on the Commission to strengthen social Europe. The next EC President will win our approval only if he or she agrees to meet our conditions as laid out in our position paper "For a Europe of social progress".
Dear Martin,
Since it seems you are following this blog, I am taking the opportunity to answer to what you are saying here as well as on the general candidate issue, from a federalist and from a socialist POV.
You seem to continue to consider, as in your speech in Madrid, that we will have the biggest group in parliament. Laying aside the fact that it's highly improbable, don't you think that if it happens, the PES should do more than 'put pressure on the commission to strengthen social Europe?'
Voters who will vote for the PES on 4-7 June will do so because we decided on a Manifesto and that they want to see it implemented. It is therefore the role of the PES to do all it can to have a president of the Commission which would reflect that new political direction for Europe. And that person isn't Jose Manuel Barroso.
You say that the Parliament still does not chose the nomination and that the centre-right Governments will nominate a centre-right EC President. That's what they would prefer to do. If the PES is the biggest group in Parliament, however, it could block the nomination by voting it down in plenary and thus force the Council to nominate a centre-left candidate instead. Knowing that we did not go into the election with an appointed candidate, which I think will cost us millions of votes, the least I would expect from the parliamentary group however is to make clear that it will NOT back Barroso for a second mandate, no matter whether we win or not!
If we win, this is of the utmost importance as the Council will seize any hesitations they will see inside the (biggest) socialist group to indeed nominate a centre-right candidate even with a left majority in parliament: it should be made clear to them that this will not work, and that they have to follow the result of the Election.
If we lose, as most polls seem to point to, it is also important that we oppose Barroso and try to block his nomination. Co-operation with ALDE, the Greens and GNU would nearly guarantee that his candidacy will fail, and thus it is what we should work towards!
Given that he represents the Commission's failed policies over 5 years, I think this is our responsibility. How many times has the PES group criticised (rightly) the Commission and the EPP majority in Parliament? In financial regulations, in agriculture, in fisheries, in monetary policies, in home affairs (the return directive?), and in its answer to the financial crisis, the current commission president has proven he is spineless and strongly right-wing! How can you even believe that Barroso of all people would change his agenda towards a social Europe?
I have exchanged emails with social-democratic friends around Europe concerning the latest news, and I am afraid to say that the noise going around is that you are only trying to secure your two and a half years as EP president, for which the gentlemen's deal with the EPP is very important. I do not know the part of truth in this but one thing I know is this: holding half a dozen of committee chairs, the parliament presidency for half a term, and 'influencing' the Commission is not enough, and is not worth it if the price is to back Jose Manuel Barroso for a second term. The PES in that arrangement would not be able to budge commission policy by a iota, as we have seen month after month in the past term! How could we just want another 5 years of the same Barroso, the same EP backdoors arrangement about committee chairs, the same PES ammendments and shouts for social Europe that are never heard or answered in Berlaymont?
No, I helped write a Manifesto, and I am campaigning for us at the election on the belief that we will implement it. And that means a new EC president, if we win.
I really think that we failed our voters when failing to present a candidate. I asked you about it in Madrid, at the reception in the Queen Sofia museum. You said you thought it would divide us, that our Spanish and Portuguese friends in parliament would refuse to follow group and party line, and that in the end it would be bad for the PES. I understood what you meant.
But more time pass, more I am convinced this argument was a dramatic mistake. Back in december, when it was only Socrates and Zapatero backing Barroso, people who wanted a candidate should have had the courage to take on them. Martine particularly should have been more supportive right then, rather than wake up in the spring. And Poul should have considered declaring his candidacy independently of what our Iberian friends thought.
No one had enough courage to do that, and month after month more people backed Barroso, including Gordon Brown, until one morning I wake up with a EUobserver headline that the Socialist Group in Parliament is backing him if he will adopt a more 'social' agenda. I spit my tea out.
It is obviously too late to have a candidate now. But honestly Martin, I ask you this with as little animosity as I can: do you not feel partly responsible for this situation? since the idea has been floating around you are among the ones who did everything to block it. And we are going to lose the election because of it. Oh, you can think the contrary but I'm ready to come to brussels and eat my hat in front of you if we are the biggest group in parliament after the election.
I will still campaign for the PES. I have been a social-democrat since the age of 16 and have campaigned in all elections since then. But I hope that the group will correct its mistake of this week and make it clear before the election that it will under no circumstances back Barroso.
If it doesn't, then I think I might for the first time in my life not vote for the party of which I am a member. I will not vote for a group backing Barroso.
This depends largely on you Martin, and on it will also depend largely our result next month.
Socialist regards,
Damien Routisseau-Magrou
JEF activist and member of the Labour party, the PS and the SPD.
Not presenting a candidate was clearly wrong. It deprives voters of a real choice in the elections, and therefore it is bad for European democracy and it makes the European elections so dull that I have difficulties explaining to people why they should vote at all.
But it was above all a strategic mistake for the PES. All the talk now about what they will do if they win the election is completely pointless: The PES will not win the elections *because* it has failed to present a candidate.
The PES had the chance to win the election. It could have positioned itself as the alternative to the laissez-faire economic policies that brought about the economic crisis. It could have pointed the finger at Barroso, shouting about the failures of the current Commission. It could have led a vigorous European campaign with the (attractive) face their Presidential candidate on every street all over Europe. It could have campaigned for a Social Europe instead of a Barroso Europe.
This chance is now over. Turnout will be lower than ever before. Campaigns are as national as ever. Few people apart from protest voters have an incentive to vote. And the PES will face a crushing defeat. National campaigns will mean that Socialists will lose in all big member states: in France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the UK.
Barroso will be nominated. ALDE will not join the left-wing opposition - most of ALDE is not against Barroso in principle, and it would not be enough to offer them the EP President, because obviously that's something the EPP can do as well. And if they have the choice, they'll rather go for Barroso. Barroso will be the next Commission President.
All this is very sad; I just hope the PES will learn a lesson and not repeat the mistake in 2014. Now it would be a good time to start thinking about who could be candidate then. Ideally, it should be an MEP who can act as leader of the opposition during the next 5 years.
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