economical crisis

EU institutional failure in the management of financial and economic crisis

By Joan Marc Simon, Secretary General of the Union of European Federalists

European and world economy are submerged in an economic crisis, direct result of the financial crush of last months. Two comments on this: One; the EU has not fixed the problems that caused the current chaos in the credit market, Two; the response of the EU to the crisis continues to be insufficient. To which extend is this an institutional failure?

Firstly, it is important to fix the problems that the crisis caused. Whilst much of the G20 debate has concerned issues such as global fiscal stimulus, the real challenge remains in choosing a new philosophy for the international financial system and its regulation.

Unless we want to hermetically close the borders and change the economic system, we will need capitals flowing in and out. So far this has been done without much control and the lack of information on what was being traded has created the bubble that exploded a year ago. How to fix it? It is the old story of choosing the right tools to address the problem which is the fact that financial markets are global when the regulators remain national. Understandably, as soon as capitals start flowing between countries it is more and more difficult to keep track of what is being traded. Different accounting rules, lack of transparency, lack of accountability… As soon as information is missing, speculation escalates and a few get filthy rich whilst money disappears from pension funds, saving accounts and people lose their jobs because the company they work for can’t have access to financing. This is institutional failure. The system is failing to protect their citizens from legal theft. This requires a change of system or justifies and upraising from the citizens against the institutions representing them.

Although, if we take into account the increasing integration and interdependence of the world economies, a world financial regulator would be the solution, it still seems to be too far away for many; especially for those countries not used to the exercise of sharing sovereignty -which has delivered so much to the European citizens-. However, within the EU it is unacceptable that we can have a common market, free movement of people, goods, capitals and services –at least on paper-, a common currency and monetary policy and a high level of economic integration without having a functioning European financial system. It took this crisis for the non-interventionist/regulation-phobic European Commission to start working on the regulation of hedge funds, transparency of derivatives markets and improved accounting rules aiming at creating a level playing field between EU countries. It is better late than never, but this will fall short to prevent a new crisis. As long as European financial markets continue without a regulator -which should be democratically managed, transparent and with the power to enforce its decisions we will continue to live under the threat of a new financial meltdown. The decision to allow more or less speculation, to allow using money for the sake of just create money instead of directing to productive investments is not a technical one that can be self-regulated by a market. It is highly political and it requires intervention of European legislators.

Secondly, whilst working on the prevention we need to act to fix the damage done by the crisis. Of course money matters when we want to protect those who are losing their jobs and at the same time invest in economic reconversion but is also a matter of political leadership to pick and implement a coordinated approach to transform the European economy. So far there is no serious European recovery plan as such but a sum of multiple stimulus plans. The European Commission put forward a recovery plan that falls short in scope and objectives when the EU needs bold new vision to move forward. European taxes –without increase tax pressure on EU citizens- or issuing EU bonds to increase the financial capacity of the EU is not a “tabu” issue only supported by some “lunatic federalists” anymore; time has proven that the unbalances of power and competences within the EU may be able to exist as transitional structures but when going through troubled waters the EU needs fiscal federalism and a consistent European budget.

This is why in the new legislature starting next month we need the European Commission to start behaving more like a federal government in order to manage an expanded EU budget of at least 2% of the community GDP, with the capacity to issue Union-Bonds and develop a European fiscal policy matched by an increase in the political responsibility. This reaction is far from radical; it is what any state is doing right now, from China to the US and from Argentina to Germany. In the EU the level of economic integration and the fact that we share a monetary policy justifies why this is the only sensible, yet politically difficult, way forward.

Continuing with the current indecisive situation puts at risk more than just the recovery of the economy but the current structures of the EU because the increasing and unbalanced indebtedness of national budgets will endanger the common market and the euro. We can talk of institutional failure when the institutions fail to deliver the pillars for normal functioning of a society; namely rules (regulatory framework), transparency, fairness and political and budgetary capacity to act in times of crisis. This is needed today and it doesn’t look like is going to be delivered by the EU.

Parts of the solution require treaty changes, some others don’t. A strong leadership is necessary to lead either of them and this leadership should come from the European Commission. If the current Commission is not up for the work the newly elected Parliament should exercise its democratic power and reject any new commission that lacks leadership and a plan for the future of Europe.

Time is ripe for Europe

Article written by Joan Marc Simon, Secretary General of UEF

Time is ripe for Europe. The current economic downturn can be a dangerous threat for the European project but it can most certainly be the window of opportunity that federalists have been waiting for during last years. It is in times of crisis when the added value of a United Europe is more visible and it is in times of crisis when we have to advocate even louder the need for a new Constitutional settlement for the Union, a coherent economic governance, a solid European budget, a common voice in the world…

I’m happy to present the UEF Manifesto: Stronger Together for a Federal Europe is the message of the manifesto and highlights the importance of staying united in times of crisis and avoid nationalist attitudes.

In the manifesto there are the 12 points that should guide those who beleive in a Federal Europe during the next 4 months. From the Treaty of Lisbon to the financial and economic crisis, from energy strategy to climate change and from foreign and security policy to justice and home affairs. The manifesto brings together the federalist viewpoints in the current historical moment. To read the manifesto click here.

The next months present an opportunity for Europe to jump to a higher stage of integration. One of the goals of UEF for next months is to motivate the citizens eager to get engaged in the building of a stronger and more democratic Europe able to better deliver to the expectations of the European citizens.

A third Franco-German initiative is necessary to face the financial crisis

Article written by Guido Montani, Vice-President of the UEF, Professor of International Political Economy University of Pavia

The informal European Council of March 1st ended with the refusal of the countries of the Monetary Union to create a fund to help the Eastern European countries in difficulty. The German government is right to refuse indiscriminate aid, but is wrong in facing up to the more general issue of the European financial system and budget. The financial crisis is putting the cohesion of the Monetary Union to the test and, without adequate powers at European level, national governments, Germany above all, could be faced with the dilemma of having to finance the default of countries which are suffering from the crisis, such as Ireland, Greece, Hungary or Austria, or accepting the disintegration of the Monetary Union.

EU Council 09-03-01
Source Le Conseil de l'Union européenne

Germany has already experienced a similar situation in the past, when it helped countries with a weak currency several times. After the founding of the Monetary Union the problem was solved. Today, a similar unitary solution is necessary. In the 70s, Giscard d’Estaing and Schmidt implemented the building of the European currency, with the European Monetary System. In 1991, in Maastricht, Mitterrand and Kohl gave life to the Economic and Monetary Union, but without reforming the European fiscal system. In 1997, Germany requested and obtained the Stability and Growth Pact. However, as the President of the European Central Bank, Trichet pointed out, “the Stability and Growth Pact is the legal framework that we have as a quid pro quo for the fact that we do not have a federal budget and a federal government”. Now, it is time for a third Franco-German initiative: it is necessary to give the European Union a federal budget and a federal government.

A federal budget is necessary because there are some European public goods – such as monetary and financial stability, sustainable growth, space exploration, etc. – which must be financed by European resources. Other public goods, of national importance – such as the welfare system – must be financed by national budgets. Other local public goods will be financed by a regional financial system. If the European Union cannot count on its own resources, in the case of a crisis, the stronger States of the Union will be obliged to carry out the role of “lenders of last resort”. The world economic crisis is increasingly getting worse day by day. There are two indispensable reforms that need to be implemented as soon as possible:

1. The ceiling of the European budget must be raised to at least 2% of the community GDP (as the McDougall report proposed) and the European Commission should be authorized to issue Union-Bonds, in order to finance a serious plan for the relaunching of European industrial production and for the ecological reconversion of the economy. Without a European Plan, national plans will end up fostering protectionism and causing the waste of public money. The increased European fiscal responsibility should be matched with increased political responsibility. A Minister for Economics and Finance should be appointed within the European Commission and a periodical report should be presented to the European Parliament.

2. An Interinstitutional Agreement – between the European Parliament, the Council and Commission – should be approved at the beginning of each European legislature. The Agreement must contain expenditure limits, such as the maximum level of indebtedness and of public deficit, and the total amount of European budgetary resources. The European budget must be financed with real European resources, therefore euro-taxes, as the European Parliament has proposed. This does not mean an increase in the citizens’ tax pressure, but a better sharing of financial resources between the national level and the European one.

Merkel and Sarkozy

If the French President, Mr Sarkozy, and the German Chancellor, Mrs Merkel, are able to take this step, the Economic and Monetary Union will be strengthened and Europe will be able to face the difficult phase of negotiations for the reform of the world financial and monetary system with a renewed impulse.

European citizens await a response from those who govern them.

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